The Moral Executive Branch - The Formation Quest

The Formation Quest & Society
The Moral Executive Branch
within the Moral Social Contract

In brief, the Moral Executive Branch...
	would be a politically-purposeful interest group within the public sector of government. Its elected and expertized members would coordinate among themselves and with their counterparts within the legislative and judicial branches. All would have custody of a moral social contract which commonly originates from the human's condition. The authority of this formative source then would vest in the language of a constitution within and through which all enfranchised citizens first and last would govern morally from that formative basis or not.
	If they would, they individually could participate politically within a moral democracy or not, electing some of their instituted custodians within the executive and other branches of the public sector. It's then that the formative logic socially would apply to standardize executive-branch individuals collectively to form one moral interest group with custodial purposes first forming from the right of a true "moral majority"of all the people immorally even to change the word-enabled legal conditions of their social contract.
	The standards for the branch's many converging purposes require everyone's knowledge of the formatively-logical applications which the formative source enables. That logic applies to mean that the people would elect a president and secretaries for domestic affairs and foreign relations through the process of a moral democracy. That electorate therein standardizes also to be their society's ultimate "governors by consequence" of that custodial act among others. The enfranchised also would employ within the executive branch as the standardized "governors by expertise" who'd more particularly meet the needs of all, and both their employment and purposes of division would follow from the formative logic which truly would produce the democratic rule of moral law and not from tyrannical men.
	The converged purposes provide ten divisions of a department for domestic affairs. These are for auditing, banking and insurance, business and professional regulation, education, environmental affairs, human services, law enforcement, legal Services, ownership records, and telecommunications. There'd be two for a department of foreign relations, foreign service and migration and trade, as well as a possible third for military defense.
	The vote of the electorate could add that third division as a thirteenth overall. If so, it would have its own disinterested cap for allocating resources. Measured in human employees, it at most could double the 25% otherwise allowed to the branch. It's then that at base the twelve divisions which always do accord to the branch would proportion to the total number accorded to all branches, three for the judiciary and one for the legislature, to make sixteen. The executive branch then would account for up to three-quarters of the purposefully-custodial public-sector number as capped before the possible addition.
	Its internal divisions and their divisions would cap similarly, their most-critical and prioritized personnel to be experts in the essential public services they'd severally provide. Unlike their elected counterparts and those others among them having managerial and clerical expertise, they'd have a direct responsibility to serve the "man on the street." As standardized "primary public custodians," they'd contract with more authority to serve than those others.
	Those others standardize to be the "personnel managers" and other supportive "bureaucrats" for whom the people they all ultimately serve must come first within the hierarchically-applied rule of moral law. Given that, even elected bureaucrats must replace the primary public custodians- or quit- whether or not they have the expertise needed. It's then that personnel caps also would shift, both within the public sector as a whole and the executive branch itself where and when the executable rights of the people hierarchically first base on their needs socially to be applied by primary individual precedence from the base up.
	This applies also to mean that all enfranchised individuals equally would be the standardized "custodial managers" for and of a moral social contract which doesn't permit the top down rule of men. This even would apply to all the elected personnel managers within all public-sector branches, those who custodially would govern standardizably as they'd also enfranchise without qualifying claims to any special expertise.
	The disinterested standards from and of that language we call "law" also would conform to our common source to effect this. Those formations as analogous word-formatives then could prevail where and when, for instance, the hierarchically-equal rights of application to the unenfranchised would prioritize over those of the equally enfranchised so long as there'd ever and even be a social contract at all.
	The private sector then also would lead economically through a taxation for and of which the executive branch's experts within a moral banking system custodially would account. That funding and the taxable portion thereof next would provide for other custodial purposes similarly applied and capped elsewhere within the other branches and an autonomous public sector. Yet all this still will depend upon all the people within the geopolitical whole to hold their custodians and themselves equally to account. Only then could they form and sustain our kind's first morally-exemplary nation-state.

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Last modified on October 5, 1999